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Age of Idiots

a place of the idiots, for the idiots, and by the idiots
7/1/2008

New Photos

7个月了,时间真快啊。

下面由小领导讲话,大家欢迎。

小领导:啊~~~~呀~~~~~咿~~~~呀~~~~啊!

谢谢领导的讲话。

 

领导讲话不错,奖励一块磨牙饼干!


“怎么?还要让我说么?”

 

 

“还是研究研究这个吧……”

 

 

“你在拍什么?我做俯卧撑么?”

 

一下隆重推出,父女合影!!!

 

希望女儿快快长大,健健康康,快快乐乐!

6/11/2008

Hillary's Speech on Suspending the Campaign

以下为讲话原文,以及现场视频

最近太忙,有空再翻译吧。其中的有些话说得非常之好,不管是政治家的演说技巧或别的什么。

 

Thank you very, very much. Well, this isn't exactly the party I'd planned, but I sure like the company.

(APPLAUSE) And I want to start today by saying how grateful I am to all of you, to everyone who poured your hearts and your hopes into this campaign, who drove for miles and lined the streets waving homemade signs, who scrimped and saved to raise money, who knocked on doors and made calls, who talked, sometimes argued with your friends and neighbors...

(APPLAUSE)

... who e-mailed and contributed online, who invested so much in our common enterprise, to the moms and dads who came to our events, who lifted their little girls and little boys on their shoulders and whispered in their ears, "See, you can be anything you want to be."

(APPLAUSE)

To the young people...

(APPLAUSE)

... like 13-year-old Anne Riddell (ph) from Mayfield, Ohio, who had been saving for two years to go to Disney World and decided to use her savings instead to travel to Pennsylvania with her mom and volunteer there, as well.

To the veterans, to the childhood friends, to New Yorkers and Arkansans...

(APPLAUSE)

... who traveled across the country, telling anyone who would listen why you supported me. And to all of those women in their 80s and their 90s...

(APPLAUSE)

... born before women could vote, who cast their votes for our campaign. I've told you before about Florence Stein (ph) of South Dakota who was 88 years old and insisted that her daughter bring an absentee ballot to her hospice bedside. Her daughter and a friend put an American flag behind her bed and helped her fill out the ballot.

She passed away soon after and, under state law, her ballot didn't count, but her daughter later told a reporter, "My dad's an ornery, old cowboy, and he didn't like it when he heard Mom's vote wouldn't be counted. I don't think he had voted in 20 years, but he voted in place of my mom."

(APPLAUSE)

So to all those who voted for me and to whom I pledged my utmost, my commitment to you and to the progress we seek is unyielding.

You have inspired and touched me with the stories of the joys and sorrows that make up the fabric of our lives. And you have humbled me with your commitment to our country. Eighteen million of you, from all walks of life...

(APPLAUSE)

... women and men, young and old, Latino and Asian, African- American and Caucasian...

(APPLAUSE)

... rich, poor, and middle-class, gay and straight, you have stood with me.

(APPLAUSE)

And I will continue to stand strong with you every time, every place, in every way that I can. The dreams we share are worth fighting for.

Remember, we fought for the single mom with the young daughter, juggling work and school, who told me, "I'm doing it all to better myself for her."

We fought for the woman who grabbed my hand and asked me, "What are you going to do to make sure I have health care?" and began to cry, because even though she works three jobs, she can't afford insurance.

We fought for the young man in the Marine Corps t-shirt who waited months for medical care and said, "Take care of my buddies over there, and then will you please take care of me?"

(APPLAUSE)

We fought for all those who've lost jobs and health care, who can't afford gas or groceries or college, who have felt invisible to their president these last seven years.

I entered this race because I have an old-fashioned conviction that public service is about helping people solve their problems and live their dreams. I've had every opportunity and blessing in my own life, and I want the same for all Americans.

And until that day comes, you'll always find me on the front lines of democracy, fighting for the future.

(APPLAUSE)

The way to continue our fight now, to accomplish the goals for which we stand is to take our energy, our passion, our strength, and do all we can to help elect Barack Obama, the next president of the United States.

(APPLAUSE)

Today, as I suspend my campaign, I congratulate him on the victory he has won and the extraordinary race he has run. I endorse him and throw my full support behind him.

(APPLAUSE)

And I ask all of you to join me in working as hard for Barack Obama as you have for me.

(APPLAUSE)I have served in the Senate with him for four years. I have been in this campaign with him for 16 months. I have stood on the stage and gone toe-to-toe with him in 22 debates. I've had a front-row seat to his candidacy, and I have seen his strength and determination, his grace and his grit.

In his own life, Barack Obama has lived the American dream, as a community organizer, in the State Senate, as a United States senator. He has dedicated himself to ensuring the dream is realized. And in this campaign, he has inspired so many to become involved in the democratic process and invested in our common future.

Now, when I started this race, I intended to win back the White House and make sure we have a president who puts our country back on the path to peace, prosperity and progress. And that's exactly what we're going to do, by ensuring that Barack Obama walks through the doors of the Oval Office on January 20, 2009.

(APPLAUSE)

Now, I understand -- I understand that we all know this has been a tough fight, but the Democratic Party is a family. And now it's time to restore the ties that bind us together and to come together around the ideals we share, the values we cherish, and the country we love.

We may have started on separate journeys, but today our paths have merged. And we're all heading toward the same destination, united and more ready than ever to win in November and to turn our country around, because so much is at stake.

We all want an economy that sustains the American dream, the opportunity to work hard and have that work rewarded, to save for college, a home and retirement, to afford that gas and those groceries, and still have a little left over at the end of the month, an economy that lifts all of our people and ensures that our prosperity is broadly distributed and shared.

We all want a health care system that is universal, high-quality and affordable...

(APPLAUSE)

... so that parents don't have to choose between care for themselves or their children or be stuck in dead-end jobs simply to keep their insurance.

This isn't just an issue for me. It is a passion and a cause, and it is a fight I will continue until every single American is insured, no exceptions and no excuses.

(APPLAUSE)

We all want an America defined by deep and meaningful equality, from civil rights to labor rights, from women's rights to gay rights...

(APPLAUSE)

... from ending discrimination to promoting unionization, to providing help for the most important job there is: caring for our families.

And we all want to restore America's standing in the world, to end the war in Iraq, and once again lead by the power of our values...

(APPLAUSE)

... and to join with our allies to confront our shared challenges, from poverty and genocide to terrorism and global warming.

You know, I've been involved in politics and public life in one way or another for four decades. And during those...

(APPLAUSE)

During those 40 years, our country has voted 10 times for president. Democrats won only three of those times, and the man who won two of those elections is with us today.

(APPLAUSE)

We made tremendous progress during the '90s under a Democratic president, with a flourishing economy and our leadership for peace and security respected around the world.

Just think how much more progress we could have made over the past 40 years if we'd had a Democratic president. Think about the lost opportunities of these past seven years on the environment and the economy, on health care and civil rights, on education, foreign policy and the Supreme Court.

Imagine how far...

(APPLAUSE)

... we could have come, how much we could have achieved if we had just had a Democrat in the White House.

(APPLAUSE)

We cannot let this moment slip away. We have come too far and accomplished too much.

Now, the journey ahead will not be easy. Some will say we can't do it, that it's too hard, we're just not up to the task. But for as long as America has existed, it has been the American way to reject can't-do claims and to choose instead to stretch the boundaries of the possible through hard work, determination, and a pioneering spirit.It is this belief, this optimism that Senator Obama and I share and that has inspired so many millions of our supporters to make their voices heard. So today I am standing with Senator Obama to say: Yes, we can!

(APPLAUSE)

And that together we will work -- we'll have to work hard to achieve universal health care. But on the day we live in an America where no child, no man, and no woman is without health insurance, we will live in a stronger America. That's why we need to help elect Barack Obama our president.

(APPLAUSE)

We'll have to work hard to get back to fiscal responsibility and a strong middle class. But on the day we live in an America whose middle class is thriving and growing again, where all Americans, no matter where they live or where their ancestors came from, can earn a decent living, we will live in a stronger America. And that is why we must help elect Barack Obama our president.

(APPLAUSE)

We'll have to work hard to foster the innovation that will make us energy independent and lift the threat of global warming from our children's future. But on the day we live in an America fueled by renewable energy, we will live in a stronger America. And that is why we have to help elect Barack Obama our president.

(APPLAUSE)

We'll have to work hard to bring our troops home from Iraq and get them the support they've earned by their service. But on the day we live in an America that's as loyal to our troops as they have been to us, we will live in a stronger America. And that is why we must help elect Barack Obama our president.

(APPLAUSE)

This election is a turning-point election. And it is critical that we all understand what our choice really is. Will we go forward together, or will we stall and slip backwards?

Now, think how much progress we've already made. When we first started, people everywhere asked the same questions. Could a woman really serve as commander-in-chief? Well, I think we answered that one.

(APPLAUSE)

Could an African-American really be our president? And Senator Obama has answered that one. (APPLAUSE)

Together, Senator Obama and I achieved milestones essential to our progress as a nation, part of our perpetual duty to form a more perfect union.

Now, on a personal note, when I was asked what it means to be a woman running for president, I always gave the same answer, that I was proud to be running as a woman, but I was running because I thought I'd be the best president. But...

(APPLAUSE)

But I am a woman and, like millions of women, I know there are still barriers and biases out there, often unconscious, and I want to build an America that respects and embraces the potential of every last one of us.

(APPLAUSE)

I ran as a daughter who benefited from opportunities my mother never dreamed of. I ran as a mother who worries about my daughter's future and a mother who wants to leave all children brighter tomorrows.

To build that future I see, we must make sure that women and men alike understand the struggles of their grandmothers and their mothers, and that women enjoy equal opportunities, equal pay, and equal respect.

(APPLAUSE)

Let us...

(APPLAUSE)

Let us resolve and work toward achieving very simple propositions: There are no acceptable limits, and there are no acceptable prejudices in the 21st century in our country.

(APPLAUSE)

You can be so proud that, from now on, it will be unremarkable for a woman to win primary state victories...

(APPLAUSE)

... unremarkable to have a woman in a close race to be our nominee, unremarkable to think that a woman can be the president of the United States. And that is truly remarkable, my friends.

(APPLAUSE)

To those who are disappointed that we couldn't go all of the way, especially the young people who put so much into this campaign, it would break my heart if, in falling short of my goal, I in any way discouraged any of you from pursuing yours.

Always aim high, work hard, and care deeply about what you believe in. And, when you stumble, keep faith. And, when you're knocked down, get right back up and never listen to anyone who says you can't or shouldn't go on.

(APPLAUSE)

As we gather here today in this historic, magnificent building, the 50th woman to leave this Earth is orbiting overhead. If we can blast 50 women into space, we will someday launch a woman into the White House.

(APPLAUSE)

Although we weren't able to shatter that highest, hardest glass ceiling this time, thanks to you, it's got about 18 million cracks in it...

(APPLAUSE)

... and the light is shining through like never before, filling us all with the hope and the sure knowledge that the path will be a little easier next time.

That has always been the history of progress in America. Think of the suffragists who gathered at Seneca Falls in 1848 and those who kept fighting until women could cast their votes.

Think of the abolitionists who struggled and died to see the end of slavery. Think of the civil rights heroes and foot soldiers who marched, protested, and risked their lives to bring about the end of segregation and Jim Crow.

(APPLAUSE)

Because of them, I grew up taking for granted that women could vote and, because of them, my daughter grew up taking for granted that children of all colors could go to school together.

Because of them, Barack Obama and I could wage a hard-fought campaign for the Democratic nomination. Because of them and because of you, children today will grow up taking for granted that an African-American or a woman can, yes, become the president of the United States. And so...

(APPLAUSE)

... when that day arrives, and a woman takes the oath of office as our president, we will all stand taller, proud of the values of our nation, proud that every little girl can dream big and that her dreams can come true in America.

And all of you will know that, because of your passion and hard work, you helped pave the way for that day. So I want to say to my supporters: When you hear people saying or think to yourself, "If only, or, "What if," I say, please, don't go there. Every moment wasted looking back keeps us from moving forward.

(APPLAUSE)

Life is too short, time is too precious, and the stakes are too high to dwell on what might have been. We have to work together for what still can be. And that is why I will work my heart out to make sure that Senator Obama is our next president.

(APPLAUSE)

And I hope and pray that all of you will join me in that effort.

(APPLAUSE)

To my supporters and colleagues in Congress, to the governors and mayors, elected officials who stood with me in good times and bad, thank you for your strength and leadership.

To my friends in our labor unions who stood strong every step of the way, I thank you and pledge my support to you.

To my friends from every stage of my life, your love and ongoing commitment sustained me every single day.

To my family, especially Bill and Chelsea and my mother, you mean the world to me, and I thank you for all you have done.

(APPLAUSE)

And to my extraordinary staff, volunteers and supporters...

(APPLAUSE)

... thank you for working those long, hard hours. Thank you for dropping everything, leaving work or school, traveling to places that you've never been, sometimes for months on end. And thanks to your families, as well, because your sacrifice was theirs, too. All of you were there for me every step of the way.

Now, being human, we are imperfect. That's why we need each other, to catch each other when we falter, to encourage each other when we lose heart. Some may lead, some may follow, but none of us can go it alone.

The changes we're working for are changes that we can only accomplish together. Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness are rights that belong to us as individuals. But our lives, our freedom, our happiness are best enjoyed, best protected, and best advanced when we do work together.

That is what we will do now, as we join forces with Senator Obama and his campaign. We will make history together, as we write the next chapter in America's story. We will stand united for the values we hold dear, for the vision of progress we share, and for the country we love.

There is nothing more American than that.

And looking out at you today, I have never felt so blessed. The challenges that I have faced in this campaign...

(APPLAUSE)

... are nothing compared to those that millions of Americans face every day in their own lives.

So today I'm going to count my blessings and keep on going. I'm going to keep doing what I was doing long before the cameras ever showed up and what I'll be doing long after they're gone: working to give every American the same opportunities I had and working to ensure that every child has the chance to grow up and achieve his or her God- given potential.

I will do it with a heart filled with gratitude, with a deep and abiding love for our country, and with nothing but optimism and confidence for the days ahead.

This is now our time to do all that we can to make sure that, in this election, we add another Democratic president to that very small list of the last 40 years and that we take back our country and once again move with progress and commitment to the future.

Thank you all. And God bless you, and God bless America.

(APPLAUSE)

6/6/2008

Pale Blue Dot

bg2008060401

图片说明:

1990年2月14日,美国“旅行者1号”(voyager 1)飞船,飞到了太阳系的边缘。控制中心让它回过头,最后看一眼它出发的地球。下面就是当时拍下的照片,距离地球大约64亿公里。请注意照片最右面光束中的那个小点,它就是地球。

美国宇航局后来评选最佳的外空观测地球照片,它排在第一位。

1994年,著名的美国科普作家卡尔·萨根(Carl Sagan)有感而发,写了一篇短文《黯淡的蓝点》(Pale Blue Dot),后来成为名篇。

 

Pale Blue Dot

by Carl Sagan in 1994

Look again at that dot.

That's here. That's home. That's us.

On it everyone you love, everyone you know, everyone you ever heard of, every human being who ever was, lived out their lives.

The aggregate of our joy and suffering, thousands of confident religions, ideologies, and economic doctrines, every hunter and forager, every hero and coward, every creator and destroyer of civilization, every king and peasant, every young couple in love, every mother and father, hopeful child, inventor and explorer, every teacher of morals, every corrupt politician, every "superstar," every "supreme leader," every saint and sinner in the history of our species lived there--on a mote of dust suspended in a sunbeam.

The Earth is a very small stage in a vast cosmic arena.

Think of the rivers of blood spilled by all those generals and emperors so that, in glory and triumph, they could become the momentary masters of a fraction of a dot.

Think of the endless cruelties visited by the inhabitants of one corner of this pixel on the scarcely distinguishable inhabitants of some other corner, how frequent their misunderstandings, how eager they are to kill one another, how fervent their hatreds.

Our posturings, our imagined self-importance, the delusion that we have some privileged position in the Universe, are challenged by this point of pale light.

Our planet is a lonely speck in the great enveloping cosmic dark.

In our obscurity, in all this vastness, there is no hint that help will come from elsewhere to save us from ourselves.

The Earth is the only world known so far to harbor life.

There is nowhere else, at least in the near future, to which our species could migrate.

Visit, yes. Settle, not yet.

Like it or not, for the moment the Earth is where we make our stand.

It has been said that astronomy is a humbling and character-building experience.

There is perhaps no better demonstration of the folly of human conceits than this distant image of our tiny world.

To me, it underscores our responsibility to deal more kindly with one another, and to preserve and cherish the pale blue dot, the only home we've ever known.

5/19/2008

关于捐款

每到重大灾害,捐款总是必要的一项。最近“都是骗银的”写了不少关于红十字会的文字,正好我的同学邮件组也讨论到这个问题。说实在的,我本人仅仅知道类似红十字会这样的慈善机构如果不严格管理审计,很可能成为腐败的温床。但是即便最大程度的杜绝了腐败,红十字会的效率有多高呢?我同学介绍了一些美国红十字会的情况,分享给大家看看。

=============以下为部分引用=============

所谓慈善机构的效率,比如说90%,意味着慈善机构募集到的捐赠有90%被当作援助项目的“直接成本”用掉了。但是直接成本包括什么?其中就包括了项目运作的内在成本,因此这其中包括了项目人员的工资(!)、项目物资和设施。事实上,一名前为美国红十字工作的员工说,大约用于项目人员工资的成本就达到了40%(当然我们要予以理解,毕竟美国的人力资源很高)。

捐助人希望他们捐献的钱能最大程度的用于需要帮助的人,比如用于购买食品和衣物等。但是决定如何做的是慈善机构的人员,是由他们决定购买食品和衣物——至于价格,那不是考虑的问题——在美国,然后运送到需要援助的国家,比如中国。其中的美国消费税、运输费用、存储费用和保险、分发费用、在具体项目中工作的人员的工资、他们的差旅费(飞机、出租车、津贴、通讯成本等等等),都是合法的直接成本,都由捐赠人捐赠的钱里面扣除。

那么非直接成本是什么?就是那些无法摊派到具体项目上、但又是经营项目所必需的开支(如管理费、融资费等)。这还包括其它的租金、保险、办公家具和设施(传真机、复印机)、水电、维护清洁等等等等。

一般来说,如果慈善机构的间接成本低于20%,相比大学已经是非常之低了(大学也是非盈利组织,私人组织的间接成本可能更高,在50%以上)。但是有无数的其它项目已经被归到直接成本中……

=============引用完毕============

可见,募捐不仅仅帮助了受灾的人,而且创造了一批就业机会。“都是骗银的”说慈善募捐有点类似“名望税”,也差很有道理。而且,从纳税角度看,我们每创造的一分钱收入其中就有一部分要作为个人所得税缴纳,所以挣得越多,只要按法律纳税,为社会贡献就越大,就越爱国。从这个角度看,我们个人的捐款做到尽力而为就行,大可不必以此为标准来看一个人是否爱国。

5/15/2008

Helping the Orphans

至少还有人在做一些事情。

 

中国人寿宣布全面收养“地震孤儿”

2008-05-14 19:40:11 来源: 中广网 网友评论 425 条 点击查看

中广网北京5月14日消息 在四川德阳绵竹抢险救灾现场,中国人寿董事长杨超郑重宣布:为了让所有在此次地震中失去父母的孤儿能够健康成长,中国人寿“国寿慈善基金会”将全面承担这些孤儿成长至18周岁的相关费用,具体细则中国人寿正在与当地民政部门进行洽商。

 

这才像“中国”人寿做的事情。

5/14/2008

And There is Hope...

有这些人的存在,希望就存在。(以下内容转自爱枣报

 
以后我们好好的活 [爱枣报:230期]

 

今日枣报新闻并不轻松,但这一天我们勇敢面对!

2008年5月14日星期三,天灾无情,人间有爱,爱枣报以沉重的心情向你问好。

[1] 为什么我的眼里常含泪水因为我对这土地爱的深沉!此刻,已有上万人因为”5·12″地震失去生命,在很多地区,人们的正常生活受到影响望一眼这被天灾摧毁的土地,我们发现了心底最深处的关切,担心起远方不知姓名的同胞,他们身上的伤,心里的痛。同事说:从来没觉得这么惨!网友问:中国到底怎么了? 你我也许无法回应,但可以在心里为中华祈祷

黑纸白字上的死亡人数每增加一个,这世上曾经鲜活的生命就会减少一个;时间每流逝一秒,一条生命得以存活的可能就会减少一分。时间的流逝与空间的阻隔在此时,比任何时候更让人备受煎熬。生命,是的,此时此刻,挽救灾区群众的生命,高于一切、大过一切、急于一切。

[2] 我们大多并不曾感受过地震时的惊慌和绝望,或许也不曾理解生命在那一刻的能量或者呼唤。面对这场灾难,究竟该以怎样的方式去理解苦难,抚慰伤痛?当这样的情节发生在这些不曾相识却只能彼此依靠的人身上,他们的选择、他们的行动其实不但是给他们自己希望,也在给我们希望。12岁的陈浩从安全区返回,一把推开在即将倒塌的高墙下的那个女孩,自己却重伤住院,他说:”要是再遇到这样的事,我还会的。因为能救而不救,我肯定会感到惭愧。”

都江堰市向峨乡爱莲社区支部书记王婉民一心组织周围乡邻营救峨乡中学被困的共有320多名学生,被记者质疑时,她说出这句自责的话:“自己的妈顾不上救喽,先救学生吧!”

阿坝州政府网站6人留守发布组在电力、通讯陷入瘫痪时连续工作20多个小时,坚持向外界发布第一手灾区情况。等终于接通网站负责人的电话时,宋洪斌在电话中失声痛哭

[3] 那个叫”震生”的孩子,在临时搭起的帐篷里,在大家的照顾下平安降生,嘹亮的啼哭或许可以带给人们宽慰和希望。那些在地震时毫不慌乱,继续为重症患者手术的医生护士,他们的坚持的不仅是一台手术,更是救死扶伤的职业道德。成都市某建筑工地的400名农民工,全部腾出工棚里的床位给附近的市民睡觉,他们说”我们年轻,一晚上不睡觉没问题。”还有下岗职工在排队献血时不忘风趣一把:”抗震救灾人人有责,我是个下岗工,没有钱就‘出点血’嘛。”

[4] 博主蒲宇记得地震时他牢牢抓住外婆的手,逃离那栋老人住了十几年的房子,命悬一线的时候也始终不愿意放开那双手。乌蒙流浪者的父亲在震后的第一夜辗转难眠,他叹了一口气说,今年是个多灾多难的年份,冰灾过后又是地震,今年顶过去了,明年就好了。

[5] 同样一夜未眠的还有成都的的哥们,地震发生当晚,数百辆出租车拉着应急灯奔赴都江堰灾区。 还有不少市民自发向灾区运送物资。从受灾者转为援助者,暂时离开危房、露宿街头的成都人迅速驱散了笼罩全程的悲伤,天性乐观的他们打破”街头麻将”的禁令,四人一桌来搓麻显得别具特色,也又一次说明,再大的困难都能克服,再艰难的岁月都能度过。

[6] 假如有人问:地震时,最想和谁在一起?是和所有爱的人心手相牵还是一人承受所有?当然也许这不是个问题,在灾害面前,我们看到的是所有人站在一起。在据说离震中最近的饭否上,桑朵朵和他的家人共同的选择是回家,回到在灾区的家。因为只有在那里,他们才能紧紧的在一起。

[7] 灾区需要我们各种形式的帮助,爱枣报也全力支持这些善举,但鉴于每个人对不同捐助渠道有各自的选择,我们在此不做过多介绍,感谢”我们爱讲冷笑会”的博主收集了较为全面的捐款方式供大家参考。另外,网上惊现利用灾难诈骗的事例,大家小心为妙。

[8] 视频:万众一心 天佑中华

[9] 图片新闻: 远在印尼的枣报藩司Double为灾区人民祈祷

燃一支烛

在遥远的地方送上无尽的祈祷

无论在什么地方

我们,在一起

[10] 整理地震防护常识给大家,下一次遇到灾害,我们可以更好的保护自己,救助别人。

—————-悲伤的分割线—————–

来回翻看关于地震灾害的网页,心里特别难受。而此刻,FE、黎简、一一等人还在为枣听的特别节目彻夜录音制作。爱枣报面对这场灾难,所有关切、祝福都在这里了。

愿经过创痛的人们尽快平复,愿饱受历练的国家更加坚强。

Wait and Hope...

今天在CNN网站看到两张图片,一张是一名母亲为她逝去的孩子哀号,一张是另一名母亲坐在椅子上等待着自己的孩子的消息……

我感到眼睛中有泪水在打转,这是怎样一种无望的等待。

 

art.mother.afp.gi

 

art.waiting.afp.gi

5/13/2008

Earthquake

One picture worths a thousand words.

My daughter is less then six months old, how old are they?  

无法直视这样的照片,已经删掉了。

NY Times Report: "No Hope" for Children Buried in Earthquake

 

5/5/2008

1908-2008:味精发明100周年

◎袁越

  1908年,一位名叫池田菊苗的日本东京大学化学教授在喝了妻子做的海带汤后突发奇想,试图找出这个汤如此鲜美的原因。半年后,他从10公斤海带中提取出0.2克谷氨酸钠,只要在汤里放一点点这玩意儿,立刻就能增加汤的鲜味。池田菊苗和商人铃木三郎合作,改进了制造方法,开始批量生产谷氨酸钠,并为它取了个好听的名字——味の素。

  1923年,一位名叫吴蕴初的中国人发明了生产谷氨酸钠的水解法。他在上海创立了天厨味精厂,推出了“佛手牌”味精。从此,味精进入了中国人的厨房,并随着中餐在世界范围内的普及,和中华饮食文化永久联系在了一起。

  1968年,一位名叫Ho Man Kwok的美籍华人医生在《新英格兰医学杂志》上发表了一篇短文,用文学口吻描述了自己去中餐馆吃饭后突然出现的四肢发麻、悸动、浑身无力等症状,他猜测说这可能是由于中餐里添加了味精(MSG)所致。这篇短文是用读者来信的形式发表的,并没有依照严格的论文格式。没想到这个消息一经媒体放大后在西方民众中引起了轩然大波,一个新病——“味精综合症”就这样诞生了。

  消息传到日本后,日本最大的味精生产厂——味の素公司马上宣布,味精本身是没有问题的,“味精综合症”的主要原因是中餐馆用的味精量太大了。于是,“味精综合症”又有了一个新说法——“中餐馆综合症”(Chinese Restaurant Syndrome)。

  虽然缺乏过硬的证据,“中餐馆综合症”这个名字仍然在欧美民间流传甚广,给当地中餐馆造成了很大的冲击。老板们不得不纷纷贴出广告,声称自己做菜绝不添加味精。不少食客在去中餐馆吃饭时也会特意提出要求,不让厨师放味精。

  对味精的恐惧很快就蔓延到整个食品加工业。当时“天然食品”这个概念刚刚出现,味精看上去像是一种工业产品,不符合“天然食品”的要求。于是很多食品包装袋上纷纷印上“绝对不含味精”的字样,希望消费者放心。可是,很快就有营养学家指出,食品中添加的动植物高汤中主要成分就是谷氨酸钠,大部分肉类和豆腐制品中也都含有谷氨酸钠,和味精没有本质区别。

  “味精和这些天然添加剂本质上是一样的,都含有谷氨酸钠。”美国迈阿密大学的生化学家尼鲁帕·查奥哈利博士(Nirupa Chaudhari)认为,“这东西就像盐或者糖一样,都是自然界原来就有的。适量使用味道很好,但过量了就会有怪味,而且对身体不好。”

  查奥哈利博士是研究味精的顶尖专家,也是第一个发现谷氨酸钠受体的人。正是由于他领导的小组做出的贡献,人类才得以搞清了味精为什么会有鲜味的原因。其实从进化的角度,人类喜欢谷氨酸钠是非常容易理解的,因为谷氨酸就是组成蛋白质的20种氨基酸中的一种,任何被水解或者被酶解的蛋白质都会释放出谷氨酸。蛋白质属于人体必须的营养物质,人类很自然地进化出了对蛋白质味道的喜爱。

  可是,仍然有不少人坚信是味精让他们感到四肢发麻,很像过敏的症状。这是为什么呢?为了揭开其中的秘密,世界各国的科研部门都投入了不少人力物力展开调查,可绝大多数相关实验均没有发现味精有毒的证据。

  1987年,世界卫生组织和联合国粮农组织先后发表调查报告,认为味精在适量的情况下对人体没有害处。1995年,美国食品和药品管理局(FDA)也发表报告,得出了同样结论。但是,FDA仍然规定那些添加味精的食品必须在包装上注明“含有味精”的字样,给消费者一个选择的权利。不过,FDA却不允许食品包装上注明“本品不含谷氨酸钠”的字样,因为绝大多数食品中都会含有谷氨酸钠,即使没有添加味精也这样,这种标签有误导的嫌疑。

  为什么FDA如此谨慎呢?因为确实有些研究报告得出结论说味精可能会对极少数人有一定的影响。这是什么原因呢?

  原来,科学家认为,味精的生产过程中很可能会混入少量杂质,这些杂质最有可能是“味精综合症”的罪魁祸首。具体说,目前味精的生产有三种方法:一是细菌发酵法,二是完全合成法,三是半合成半发酵的所谓“醋酸法”。第一种方法生产出来的味精可能混入少量细菌蛋白质,而细菌蛋白质会诱发人体产生免疫反应;第二种方法需要把终产物中的右旋谷氨酸清除掉。众所周知,氨基酸是有“手性”的,按照基团旋转方向的不同,氨基酸可以分为左旋氨基酸和右旋氨基酸两种。自然界大部分氨基酸都是左旋的,人体也是只能利用左旋氨基酸。右旋氨基酸只能产生于化学反应中,不但对人体没有用处,而且有可能造成某些不良反应;第三种方法的原材料醋酸是一种化工原料,其生产过程中有可能混入了某些对人体有害的不良物质。值得一提的是,上述几种方法生产出来的味精可能混入杂质的量都十分微小,如果消费者购买的是正牌味精,基本上不用担心。科学家在做实验的时候选择的肯定是正牌味精,这就是绝大多数实验都证明适量味精对人体无害的原因。

 对于“中餐馆综合症”还有一种可能的解释:大多数西方人不太习惯中餐的高含盐量,这就是为什么很多人吃完中餐后会感到口干舌燥,不过这和味精没有多大关系。

 

摘自《三联生活周刊》

5/3/2008

One Billion Customers 40 - The Best-Laid Plans

【版权声明:文章所有的版权,归于作者本人和有关出版社。本翻译仅为个人兴趣,供大家阅读交流,有兴趣的可以阅读原著,如果发现有翻译不准确或者错误,欢迎指正。任何个人或商业媒体,未经许可,请勿转载。 ——白痴年代】

 

到农村去

与此同时,UT斯达康正在寻找适合中国市场的技术。它找到了一种名为个人手持电话系统,即PHS。这种系统曾在日本和泰国进行测试,但是最终被否决了。个人手持电话系统实际上是一种类似于无绳家用电话的移动技术,它的传输距离一般在几百米左右。这种设备的成本仅仅是在中国铺设的无线电话系统成本的零头而已。UT斯达康的工程师们开始改造PHS技术,同时公司向政府提出申请铺设PHS系统。但是吴基传绝不会让一种在日本被否决的老旧技术在中国上马。而外国厂家也不想减少自己在设备上的销售收入,他们支持吴基传的态度,称呼PHS为“日本垃圾”。

身材矮小而结实的吴鹰有着一脸传统国画中的僧侣所特有的络腮胡子,他在中国电信圈子中已经广为人知,颇有人缘。大家都叫他“大胡子”。虽然年仅三十六,吴鹰为人成熟、稳重而坚忍不拔。他是人际关系的大师,但是吴基传拒绝与他会面,甚至有好几次在电信行业的大会上,当吴鹰试图和他握手致意时,他都很巧妙的避开了。

吴基传可能不喜欢UT斯达康的技术,但是公司的价值定位却很合地方电信官员的胃口。作为UT斯达康的首席战略设计师,吴鹰给PHS服务重新取名为“小灵通”,把它定位成针对广大中国人民的便宜的移动电话服务。他看到的是一个拥有6.5亿部电话的市场。他认为最上面的20%的中国人买得起通常的手机,而最下面的30%只关注最基本的需求。正是这中间的50%人群是UT斯达康想要的。他用最强有力的论据说服了地方的电信官员:用我的系统,你三个月内就能收回投资;用真实的移动电话系统,你需要八个月乃至更长。

 

剧变

1998年的前三个月,一切都改变了。3月份,吴基传击败了他的对手,被任命为新成立的信息产业部部长,管辖着三万四千名员工。新成立的信产部包括了老的邮电部、电子工业部、以及广播电影电视部中的很多大部门。理论上,吴基传成为了这片官僚世界中的首长。苦苦挣扎中的联通现在也在他的管控之下。他的荣耀,中国电信,已经把增长最快的移动业务剥离出来成立了单独的中国移动(中国电信(香港)有限公司改名为中国移动),它将在吴基传的细心管理下与联通进行竞争。中国电信保留了在固话业务中的垄断地位,但是被禁止进入移动市场。吴基传把一切安排的井井有条。

这为UT斯达康提供了展开进攻的舞台。吴鹰找到了位于杭州郊区的余杭电信部门,后者也想开展自己的生意。和很多其它的地方电信部门一样,余杭的固话线路冗余严重。在固话业务中加上小灵通技术,为他们提供便宜的类移动电话服务,这将为余杭得电话系统带来一些收入,否则电话线空着也是空着。吴鹰宣传说这是一种“固定电话的延伸”服务,这样就可以绕过禁止中国电信开展移动业务的禁令,但它的的确确是一种移动电话业务,而且它的资费远远低于中国移动和联通的资费。需求非常旺盛。吴鹰意识到,如果UT斯达康动作够快,就能让小灵通成为实际生活的一部分。就算是吴基传本人也不能消灭这个能够为全国人民带来便宜、通用的电话服务的网络,这正是吴基传自己的目标。很快,全中国的中国电信部门就开始部署小灵通系统,吴鹰用这套系统的经济和政治定位赢得了地方电信官员的亲睐。

越来越多的消费者开始使用小灵通,关于它的争论也越来越大。如果吴基传能在国务院投入更多的精力,他本可以让这块业务胎死腹中。小灵通的确让他很苦恼,因为这是在中国唯一一项未经他批准的电信技术。但他又真的不能对小灵通的价值定位说什么,所以每过几个月,每当有人问他对小灵通的看法,他都会说诸如“我不喜欢小灵通”这样的话。UT斯达康的合同一再延期。但是吴鹰总是能够让公司里的每个人都重新振作起来,业务得以持续。吴鹰在正确的地方、正确的时间打出了正确的一击。他不断的调整球门柱,始终保持在法律允许的界限之内。吴基传在信息产业部的很多官员都痛恨小灵通。但是吴鹰在他的身后招集了强大的后援。边远城市的消费者成群结队地购买小灵通。吴基传降低了移动的费率,但是小灵通的价格依然要比普通手机低百分之八十,因为它是“固话的延伸”,而不是移动电话。每当UT斯达康的员工由于吴基传在公开场合屡屡贬低小灵通而心生退意时,吴鹰就会和他们说:“我们唯一的盟友就是消费者。我们不能丧失信心,因为他们站在我们这一边。”

吴基传明白吴鹰是对的,因此他给了UT斯达康一定的舞台,他自己的关注点则转移到更为重要的问题上。中国的互联网正在失去控制,无数的创业家在国际投资人的资助下建立成千上万个网站,它在不断的扩散膨胀。更令人担心的是,联通采用的中中外合资方式正在变成一颗已经进入倒计时的定时炸弹。

 

“违规架构”

吴基传对联通的手法可谓是官僚斗争中的大师级的防守反击。1997年的日历翻到了最后一页,中中外架构对外国投资人来说逐渐失去了它的魅力。联通继续耍着把同一个项目报给多家外国公司、迫使他们无偿地做市场研究和商业计划的伎俩,但外国电信公司变得越来越聪明。很多公司还发现他们的“近股权”投资被用来为中方伙伴购买小轿车、办公大楼,甚至是餐馆。有一些中方合作伙伴在折旧费用上弄虚作假,宣称他们需要把钱留在公司里继续发展,以此来逃避向外国投资人分红的责任。联通既没有形成独特的市场地位,也缺乏足够的自我控制。它仅仅是为了作为另一家公司的竞争对手而存在,它只是一批官僚利益帮派为了在电信淘金潮中攫一杯金而成立的。

在头一年,吴基传对联通少评论,少动作;他给了赵维臣董事长足够的时间来自取灭亡。与此同时,他在联通网络与中国的电话系统对接一事上不露声色地一拖再拖,也阻止联通的增长步伐。当政府高层领导人插手强迫吴基传完成联通和其它电话网的对接时,他服从了上峰的命令,但却是如此之缓慢。

整个九十年代,在北京有两位最刚愎、最固执的官僚,一位是吴基传,一位是朱镕基。在吴基传担任信产部部长的同时,朱镕基出任国家总理。朱镕基希望在电信行业有更多的竞争,吴基传不希望。他们经常对着干。但现在,他们在联通这盘烂棋上倒是看法一致。不断有外国电信公司的老板们向朱办抱怨联通的问题。朱镕基把这些问题都转给了吴基传,告诉他这是电信部门要解决的问题。

最后的救命稻草来自摩根士丹利的投行家们,他们在联通濒临崩溃的前夜出现在了公司。摩根士丹利错失了中国电信的上市,这是这家投行在亚洲几十年里最大的一次羞辱。他们将通过联通来复仇。摩根士丹利告诉联通,如果中中外架构能得到清算,那么这家公司就可以通过海外IPO在国际资本市场上募到难以想象的资金。这一清理方案最终捅到了政府最高领导层。1998年8月,朱镕基宣布中中外架构是“违规”的,下令对其进行清理。当时,投资方已经在四十六个项目中投资了进十四亿美元。愤怒的项目投资人成立了一个联通投资人小组对此事进行上诉。但最终,投资人别无他法,只能接受返回最初的投资本金,加上一点点利息。2000年6月,联通在纽约和香港同时上市,这家东拼西凑起来的空架子公司共募集到了五十六亿美元,这是中国有史以来最大的一次IPO。

 

砸田鼠

虽然吴基传的信产部王国日益膨胀,给他赢得了当之无愧的中国电信沙皇的称号,但是他真正的权力却开始急剧萎缩。他的工作越来越像人们在游乐场里玩的一种叫“砸田鼠”的游戏,玩这个游戏的人手里拿着一柄橡胶锤子,面对着一张有着十来个洞的台子,这些洞里会随机突然冒出一只田鼠来,玩家就需要用锤子把这些老鼠砸回洞里。

市场开始接手。外国和本地的资本不断涌入通讯行业,这些钱和企业家联姻,他们寻求的是未来上市,而不是吴基传的批准。吴基传开始觉得是投行家和风险投资人在运作中国的通讯产业,而不是像他这样的工程师。政客也参与其中。吴基传明白他不得不放弃原来控制一切的做法了,但是他依然决心阻止外资通过任何方式控制这一行业。1999年4月,吴基传听说朱镕基在华盛顿与克林顿总统会面时,曾准备允许外资在中国的电信运营商中占股50%以此来换取中国进入世贸组织的门票,他立刻威胁说要辞去部长的职务。朱镕基的交易最后失败了,但是美国人把他的方案细节公布在了互联网上。

吴基传忙于电信行业的战斗,却忽视了互联网的发展。一夜之间,有上百万的中国人在国际互联网上冲浪,他们每天都要花好几个小时看新闻、玩游戏,甚至在类似雅虎的门户网站上约会。中国的互联网产业是由那些年轻的创业企业家们建立起来的,资助他们的是英特尔、IDG、默多克、道琼斯和一大批硅谷的风险投资家们,他们把中国的互联网当作下一个赚快钱的机会。1999年9月,吴基传的橡皮锤子砸了下来:禁止外国人投资中国的互联网企业,信息产业部将清除所有的“违规做法”。

他的法令立刻引起了反响。希望在纳斯达克上市的中国主要的门户网站把矛头指向了中华网,这家香港公司在国内市场上根本算不上号。但是它把自己包装成一家举足轻重的中国互联网企业,从一无所知的投资人那里融到了八千四百万美元。一旦吴基传的禁令得以实施,更多的海外公司将照搬这种模式,而真正在中国市场上的互联网企业则将一无所获。吴基传默默地撤退了。他允许中国的互联网企业采用类似中中外的架构,外国投资人可以在一家境外企业中持有股份。通过一系列的协议安排,他们可以在中国公司中持有相应的权利。就在吴基传发布禁止外国人投资中国互联网公司命令后的一年,中国的三大门户网站,新浪、网易和搜狐都在纳斯达克上了市,融资2亿美元。

与此同时,吴鹰和UT斯达康也在全速推进,他们在全国的中小城市中铺设小灵通系统。UT斯达康在杭州建立了中国总部,这是第一个实施小灵通网的城市。但是把总部设在这个离上海120英里、有着六百万人口的城市还有更重要的原因。杭州是浙江省的省会城市,有三十五所高等院校,还有一些国内最好的软件和工程研发机构,他们都是UT斯达康的人才库。市政府和省政府也给予了大力支持。

虽然公司主打产品——小灵通的合法性悬而又悬,UT斯达康还是于2000年3月在纳斯达克实现了规模宏大的上市,共募集到1.8亿美元,等同于公司在1999年全年的营业收入。上市首日,股价就翻了三倍,令全球电信界震惊。吴基传再次抄起了他的橡皮锤子。但他还不能马上出锤,因为他的政治靠山李鹏(现已担任全国人大主席)当月底正好访问了杭州。浙江省和杭州市的官员带他参观了UT斯达康的总部,这是杭州成为全球电信技术中心的荣耀和骄傲。当地报纸刊登了李鹏的讲话,他说UT斯达康的上市是中国所取得的伟大成绩,公司创始人作为回国创业的海外学子,他们的爱国行为为中国的发展做出了重要贡献。

两个月后,吴基传悄悄地挥出了他的锤子,信产部发布了一份内部文件,要求中国的电话服务供应商暂停安装新的小灵通系统,等待技术评审的结果。当这一消息泄漏出来后,UT斯达康的股价在两周内跌了50%,公司市值减少了十八亿美元。UT斯达康在美国和中国的官员一片沮丧。他们原以为在纳斯达克上市将迫使吴基传接受公司的电话技术。但是和往常一样,吴鹰把这一坏消息变成了好消息。他告诉自己的同事说小灵通技术将被接受,因为它的价值定位无可否认。他还指出了信产部对小灵通进行技术评审好的一面。采用其它PHS系统的竞争对手将被阻挡在中国之外,小灵通独占整个市场。

吴鹰和他的同事对信息产业部派来进行技术评审的官员展开教育,向他们展示UT斯达康的工程师对该系统做出的改进。当PHS系统首次在日本和泰国实施时,电话离基站的距离不能超过150米,而且在基站与基站之间也无法切换。而现在,通话信号已经可以覆盖更大的区域,而且电话可以从一个基站自动转换到另一个基站。他们还带着信产部官员上街,让他们亲自与客户进行交流。

但是在满不在乎的表象后面,吴鹰和他的同事深感不安。就连李鹏的表扬也没有让吴基传和信产部退缩。通过做政府中一批支持者的工作,UT斯达康的创始人开始接触到江泽民主席。他们并没有得到他的亲自接见,但是安排了一次会议,让人向江介绍了公司的情况和公司目前面临的困境。在听完汇报后,江办给吴基传打了一个电话,说政府不应该对一家运营公司干涉得太深。六月底,信产部完成了评审,下结论说小灵通系统和电话可以在中国的中小城市及乡村使用。

这对UT斯达康来说已经够好了。虽然经历了这场年中危机,UT斯达康在2000年的营业额依然实现了翻番,达到了近3.69亿美元。但是到年底的时候,锤子又一次降临在公司的头上,有一名不愿透露身份的信产部官员宣称信息产业部将收回小灵通系统所使用的频段,该频段将预留给“3G”宽带移动网络。UT斯达康的客户貌似根本没注意到。吴鹰调整了他的政府关系战略,他向大家展示,在西部边远省份部署廉价的小灵通移动电话系统,完全符合朱镕基总理建设西部、吸引投资到贫困地区的方针。到2001年底,公司的营业额又增长了70%,达到了6.27亿美元,信产部副部长也宣布将不再收回小灵通所使用的频段,但是对小灵通的合法性依然没有做出任何澄清。2002年8月,小灵通已经进入三百多个城市,用户数量达到九百万人。吴基传开始喜欢上这些数字了。因为他迫切需要这些小灵通的用户来美化他的一项最新计划,那就是准备让中国电信(小灵通的主要客户)于2002年11月在纽约和香港同时上市,融资15.2亿美元。

 

旧王朝

2003年3月,全国人民代表大会,吴基传退休了。他最后的行动就是在和吴鹰、UT斯达康的斗争中举旗认输。在大会上,吴基传告诉记者:“政府并不鼓励它的发展,但是它也不会对小灵通进入城市进行管制。”吴基传说信产部将不再批准其它电信技术使用小灵通现在使用的频段。

吴基传的退休标志着一个王朝的结束。他的抱负并不大,但是他的坚忍不拔和坚定信念在中国政府成公司实施其经济发展模式的过程中扮演了重要的角色。在他身任“电信沙皇”的年代,吴基传为中国增加了近5亿部电话,在前苏联设计的破旧的研发和生产体系上建立起了一个令人生畏的电信产业。他成功地把中国四大电话运营商保持在信产部的控制之下,每年的营业额达到五百亿美元。他也许并不擅长管理国内市场和国内竞争对手,但是他成功地把外国电信运营公司拒诸门外,给中国企业留下了更多的时间来发展和改善国内的技术标准。他是一名很好的规划设计师,但也是一名不称职的裁判。

在建立中国自己的电话系统的过程中,吴基传打造了令人称道的电信和技术产业。中外电信企业投入了数百亿美元的资金,建设制造工厂,提供数十万个就业机会,并引入了最新的技术。中国的技术类高等学院每年毕业五十多万名工程师。位于华中地区的大学城武汉市被改造成“光谷”,这个产业中心拥有一百五十多家行业内企业,每年拉出五十万公里的光缆,生产各种复杂的光学网络设备。

 

新时代

UT斯达康新落成的价值1.2亿美元的总部大楼看上去就像一艘巨大的太空飞船,蜿蜒的小溪水在其间流过。这里有将近五千名员工,他们可以在外面的草坪上来一场九个洞的高尔夫球。全中国有六千五百万名用户使用小灵通的技术。

UT斯达康通过走不寻常之路做到了今天的规模。公司创始人相互合作,各施其能来打造公司。这在中国几乎闻所未闻,大部分中国公司的管理层为了个人权力争斗不息,其文化导致的是企业独裁而非合作。UT斯达康的光环在于其管理层还有来自贝尔实验室和AT&T的西方经理人。公司的口号是:“西方人的创新,东方人的勤劳”,它基于的想法是美国人都很具有创新意识,而中国人都很守纪律、具有创业精神。公司相信创新需要有敢于接受失败的勇气。吴鹰和其它管理层鼓吹说一个错误的决定要好过没有决定,他们反复的向员工讲述一个有关错误决定的故事,说公司创始人如何在初期花了一亿美元错误地购买了一家香港寻呼机公司,原因是他们误以为可以把它改造成无线系统。

当分析师们开始质疑公司是否能够摆脱单一产品、单一国家的模式时,UT斯达康作为纳斯达克宠儿的日子结束了。UT斯达康设计并推广了几种小灵通以外的其它电信产品,但是公司的绝大部分营业收入依然来自中国市场上销售的小灵通无线系统。它在海外最大的一笔销售是把产品卖给了公司大股东软银的一家下属企业。吴鹰相信公司的未来在于创造“创新性颠覆技术”,改善产品的核心技术,通过高性能和降低成本来满足市场需求。他相信中国的市场广大,丰富多元,是培养这种的创新的沃土。当谈到工程设计时,公司宣称拥有来自东西方社会最好的人才。UT斯达康大部分的研发团队位于新泽西、加利福尼亚和芝加哥,那里的工程师在文化上更富于试验和创造性的思考。是公司在深圳和杭州也有数千名工程师,那里对产品的不断完善和对中国整个电话网络中每台连接器和送话机的深刻了解紧密结合。此外,中国工程师的成本只是美国的五分之一。2003年,公司在研发方面的费用为1.5亿美元。

 

这对你意味着什么

吴鹰和他这一代创业企业家和政府官员所面临的挑战即来自文化,也来自政治。通过向外国公司学习,并且有政府大客户下着无数的订单,中国建立了令人生畏的国有高科技企业。但外国公司在技术领域依然占有统治地位。很多最初的电信设备合资企业都发生了变化,外方逐渐购买了大部分或全部股权。中国出口的技术产品中有绝大部分依然来自外商投资企业,其中大部分是外商全资拥有的。外国电信供应商看到自己的技术诀窍和技术转移到中国的竞争对手那里,他们也学乖了。他们会留下最关键的部件,甚至在设计产品的时候就留下一个核心部件,用它把最有价值的技术隔离开。中国通过反向工程建立了自己的电信设备工业,其做法并不复杂,通常就是组装各种配件,很多配件都可以从原公司的供应商那里买到。关键问题在于软件,以及软件如何与硬件交互。这里面就有专业技术了。

中国人总是喜欢指出说他们发明创造了瓷器、丝绸、眼镜、纸张、印刷术、雨伞、船舶水密舱和火药。当欧洲人还在用脏手从碗里抓食的时候,他们已经用了一千多年的筷子了。但是在政治化的信息和思想控制的碾压下,再加上受到儒家传统的影响,使得今天的中国人有能力做一些创新改进,但却无法实现创新突破。突破性的思维来自西方。中国人对硬件和各种小器件非常在行,总是能够不断改善现有的技术和产品。中国人在完美执行上也非常优秀。中国产生过惊人的钢琴家、小提琴家和指挥家,但是很少有原创的作曲家。中国人在尝试创造之前被教育学习和模仿他人。

从个人角度来讲,中国的工程师非常出色,但是要他们合作就很困难了。中国人要花上好几年的时间才能学会管理有很多人参与的工作流程,如何达到技术研发所需要的阶段性目标和过程。它不会自己产生。中国的研发很可能要经历和制造业一样的道路。跨国企业和来自台湾、香港的企业在中国生产出口设备的时候培训了数以千计的中国工厂管理者。这些中国管理者中后来有很多人离开并创办了自己的工厂,并在工厂中运用从外国人手中学到的管理技能。中国的研发人才极其丰富。曾有一次学术研究估计在90年代末,大约有九千名中国博士生在硅谷工作。外国公司加快了在中国设立研发机构的步伐。无容置疑,跨国企业的在华研究中心将培养出成千上万的中国研究人员,他们将来也会离开并组织起他们自己的研发和技术公司。

目前,在中国能获得好处的仍然是复制别人的产品。但是在未来的几十年里,那些创造出新技术和新产品的人将得到好处。毫无疑问,中国很快也会明白这一点。

 

商业红宝书

一旦中国人发现某事可行,不必你来告诉他们对其进行运用。你要做的就是要么让路、要么被碾过。

共产主义体制帮助中国的起飞,而不是相反。发展的动力来自人民长期以来被压抑的欲望和创业精神。但是政府规划往往提供了必要的方向和专注。

你不能忽视北京,但也不要干坐在那里等待批文。在发展业务的时候做政治工作。最好的战略就是避免逼迫政府决定。

中国不是一个市场,而是众多本地市场的集合,每个市场都有自己的玩法、传统,以及地方保护主义的方法。

最好从一个省开始你的业务,地方官员往往更具创业精神,讨厌北京的控制。他们会非常忠诚,并为你提供保护。

在中国引进一款新产品,你需要抓住最佳的销售时机和政治时机,同时还需要超乎想象的坚持。

中国寻求最新的技术,它往往就是能在市场中取胜的最合适、最能支付得起的技术。降低价格,并针对中国专注于功能往往是取得成功的关键。

在中国,只要有两家公司就能展开价格战。

中国的国企在海外上市,其唯一目的就是获得资金,同时不丧失对企业的控制。

法律合同就算推敲得再仔细认真,如果政治上反对,它们也很容易就变得无效。

中国不会原谅,也不会忘却。如果外国公司违抗了他的意愿,他会一直记在心中,君子报仇,十年不晚。

由于文化和政治的原因,中国只能做出创新性改进。死记硬背的教育和实施信息及思想控制的政治体制扼杀了产生突破性发现和创造的环境。

外国公司在华设立的成百上千的研究实验室将改变前一条的规则。就像在制造行业曾发生过的那样,中国人将接受外国的管理做法和研究技能,建立他们自己的世界一流的研发机构。

任何在华开展业务的技术公司都必须假定他们的设计和产品在不断被复制。

中国对知识产权的法律保护正得到改善,但依然不甚可靠、存有偏见。中国正在成为一个巨大的电子产品出口工厂,但是如果中国产品盗用了外国技术,它们将无法进入外国市场。

如果你被迫与中方分享技术,要把各种技术相互隔离开来,这样你的合作伙伴就无法了解全局。

保护好你技术皇冠上的明珠,因为中国的科技行业是建立在对外国产品的反向工程之上的。一种做法就是把含有最具价值的知识产权的部件放在境外制造。

 

第七章完,敬请期待最终章:管理未来

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